Pages

Wednesday, May 26, 2010

Stripping to protest oil companies




Art Linkletter, the easygoing, smooth-voiced emcee famed for his long-running hosting gigs of the radio show “House Party” and the TV shows “People Are Funny” and “Kids Say the Darndest Things,” has died, CNN has confirmed. He was 97.
Linkletter rose to fame as a radio announcer in San Diego, later becoming a program director. In 1944, he launched “Art Linkletter’s House Party,” a daytime CBS radio show that moved to television in 1952 and ran until 1969.
His nighttime show, “People Are Funny,” started on radio in 1942 and ran on NBC television from 1954 to 1961. According to Tim Brooks and Earle Marsh’s “The Complete Directory to Primetime Network and Cable Shows, 1946-Present,” the show featured everyday guests who would be interviewed by Linkletter and then be asked to do a stunt. The result for those who failed at the stunt was often a pie in the face or a splash of water.
Linkletter also hosted a short-lived quiz show, “The Art Linkletter Show,” in 1963.
But he’s probably best remembered for “Kids Say the Darndest Things,” which began as a segment on “House Party.”
Linkletter would ask several children their thoughts on various topics; their responses were often hilariously absurd. A collection of the children’s sayings eventually became one of the best-selling books of the era.
At its height, Linkletter’s fame was notable enough to make him part of Milton Bradley’s “Game of Life,” which featured Linkletter’s endorsement and his photo on the game’s $100,000 bill. His 1960 biography was called “Confessions of a Happy Man.”
With BP trying to stop the gushing oil leak in the Gulf of Mexico with a "top kill," we look at how we ended up here: what BP has tried and why it has yet to succeed.
End of April
Solution: Robots to shut blowout preventer
The rig’s blowout preventer, a 48-foot-tall, 450-ton apparatus that sits atop the well 5,000 feet underwater, failed to automatically cut off the oil flow after the April 20 explosion of the Deepwater Horizon rig. BP attempted to use remote-controlled submarines with robotic arms to reach access portals and activate the valve.
Expectation
The highly complex task was to take 24 to 36 hours, said Doug Suttles, chief operating officer of BP's global exploration and production business.
Outcome
Failed. "We've tried many different ways. Some things have showed promise; some haven't," BP spokesman Daren Beaudo said. "We don't know why the remote-operated shutdown systems haven't worked."

May 4, 2010
Solution: Drilling a relief well
The second well joins the failed well at the bottom, in rock 13,000 feet below the ocean. Once contact is made, drilling fluid and concrete will be put into the first well.
Expectation
This will lower the pressure on the failed well, enough to allow a concrete plug to be placed into it and permanently shut it down. The relief well could also be used for future oil and gas production. BP began drilling the second well this month, but it will take three months to complete. Weather conditions could prolong the process, Beaudo said.
Outcome
The well is expected to be completed by August. It would be a permanent solution to cap the leaking well.
May 7, 2010
Solution: First containment dome
BP lowered a massive four-story containment vessel over the well to cap the larger of two leak points. The hope was that the container would collect the leaking oil, which would be sucked up to a drill ship on the surface.
Expectation
"If all goes according to plan, we should begin the process of processing the fluid and stop the spilling to the sea," Suttles said. But the method had not been done at such depths before.
Outcome
The plan was thwarted after ice-like hydrate crystals formed when gas combined with water to block the top of the dome and make it buoyant. The dome was moved off to the side of the wellhead and is resting on the sea floor, Suttles said. He declined to call it a failed operation but said, "What we attempted to do ... didn't work."
May 12, 2010
Solution: Second containment dome or “top hat”
The "top-hat" cofferdam is a 5-foot-tall, 4-foot-diameter structure that weighs less than 2 tons and would be injected with alcohol to act as an antifreeze and keep its outlet clear.
Expectation
BP built the smaller dome after the containment vessel, designed to cap the larger of two leaks in the well, developed glitches. The new device would keep most of the water out at the beginning of the capping process and allow engineers to pump in methanol to keep the hydrates from forming, Suttles said. Methanol is a simple alcohol that can be used as an antifreeze.
Outcome
BP abandoned the idea of using the “top hat” and opted to proceed with an insertion tube technique instead. It wasn’t clear why BP made that choice.
May 14, 2010
Solution: Riser insertion tube
The riser insertion tube tool is a temporary solution that involves inserting a 4-inch-diameter tube into the Deepwater Horizon’s rise, a 21-inch diameter pipe, between the well and the broken end of the riser on the sea floor.
Expectation
The insertion tube connects to a new riser to allow hydrocarbons to flow up to the Transocean Discoverer Enterprise drill ship. The oil will be separated and shipped ashore.
Outcome
This seems to be the most successful effort thus far in containing some of the spill. The system was able to capture some of the leaking oil and pipe it aboard a drill ship, burning off some of the natural gas released in the process, according to a statement from the joint BP-Coast Guard command center leading the response to the oil spill.
The flow rate from the tube reached 3,000 barrels of crude (126,000 gallons) and 14 million cubic feet of gas a day as of May 20. BP’s Suttles said the company is "very pleased" with the performance of the tube. However, Gov. Bobby Jindal of Louisiana says the efforts haven't stopped oil from reaching his state's coastline.
May 25, 2010
Solution: "Top kill"
The "top kill" involves pumping heavy drilling fluid into the head of the leaking well at the sea floor. The manufactured fluid, known as drilling mud, is normally used as a lubricant and counterweight in drilling operations. The hope is that the drilling mud will stop the flow of oil. Cement then would be pumped in to seal the well.
Expectation
Top kill has worked on above-ground oil wells in the Middle East but has never been tested 5,000 feet underwater. BP Chief Executive Officer Tony Hayward has given the "top kill" maneuver a 60 percent to 70 percent chance of success.
Work is under way, and BP is setting equipment into place. A team of experts will examine conditions inside the five-story blowout preventer to determine how much pressure the injected mud will have to overcome. The company then will perform diagnostic tests to determine whether the procedure can proceed.
Outcome
Undetermined.
ROV live link of the Top Kill Procedure

Please be aware, this is a live stream and may freeze or be unavailable from time to time.

Throughout the extended top kill procedure – which may take up to two days to complete - very significant changes in the appearance of the flows at the seabed may be expected. These will not provide a reliable indicator of the overall progress, or success or failure, of the top kill operation as a whole. BP will report on the progress of the operation as appropriate and on its outcome when complete.



From: DeepwaterHorizonJIC | May 26, 2010 | 305 views
Animated footage of the "top kill" procedure which BP will perform at the Deepwater Horizon site in an effort to stop the leak. Find out more by visiting http://deepwaterhorizonresponse.com.
Rand Paul's Libertarian La-La Land
By Eugene Robinson
Tuesday, May 25, 2010; A25 


GOP Senate candidate Rand Paul at a rally in Kentucky on Saturday, with Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, right, and Rep. Harold Rogers. (Ed Reinke/associated Press)
 
Not so fast, everybody. Rand Paul can't abruptly disavow the extremist views on civil rights that he's been espousing for years and expect us all to just move along. Was he lying then? Is he lying now? Or has the Tea Party movement's newly crowned Mad Hatter changed his mind?
Republican crisis managers wisely didn't allow Paul to stray within range of the Sunday talk shows, but they can't keep him hidden away in some Kentucky cave until November. Sooner or later, the Senate candidate is going to have to answer a direct question: Was he being untruthful on the occasions when he said the federal government has no authority to outlaw racial discrimination in private businesses such as restaurants? Or is he being untruthful now in claiming he would have voted for the Civil Rights Act of 1964?
Actually, there are quite a few direct questions that Paul will be asked. Does he still believe it ought to be permissible to deny Americans access to housing because of the color of their skin, as he argued a few years ago? I have a personal stake in this one, since I live in a neighborhood where a legal covenant once kept African Americans out. Is this sort of thing cool with him?
I'd also like to know whether Paul really believes in a conspiracy among the U.S., Canadian and Mexican governments to turn North America into a "borderless, mass continent" bisected by a 10-lane superhighway. Because that's what he said in 2008.
"It's a real thing," he said of the imaginary threat to U.S. sovereignty, "and when you talk about it, the thing you just have to be aware of is that if you talk about it like it's a conspiracy, they'll paint you as a nut."
Very little paint is needed.
And while we're at it, what about Paul's recent analysis of the catastrophic oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico? The Obama administration faces growing criticism for not being tough enough on BP for its failure to stop the gushing flow of crude that is fouling Louisiana's ecologically sensitive coastal marshes. Paul, however, sees things differently. "What I don't like from the president's administration is this sort of, 'I'll put my boot heel on the throat of BP,' " Paul said. "I think that sounds really un-American in his criticism of business."
The "un-American" part is consistent with the campaign by Republican cynics and Tea Party wing nuts to delegitimize Obama's presidency. But the general idea -- that it's wrong to hold private firms strictly accountable for disasters such as the gulf spill -- appears to be something that Paul really believes, since he also dismisses the recent West Virginia mine explosion in which 29 miners were killed.
"We had a mining accident that was very tragic," he said. "Then we come in, and it's always someone's fault. Maybe sometimes accidents happen."
But maybe accidents are less likely to happen when appropriate safety standards are established and enforced. This kind of cause-and-effect reasoning is meaningful only to those who live in the real world, however. From all evidence, Paul lives in Libertarian La-La Land, where a purist philosophy leads people to believe in the purest nonsense.
Now that he is running for the Senate as a card-carrying Republican, Paul is going to have to abandon, or pretend to abandon, many of his loopy beliefs. This won't be easy, as illustrated by the hemming and hawing he did before finally endorsing the Civil Rights Act. Even then, he suggested that the law was justified only by the prevailing situation in the South. As soon as Paul is allowed out of his cave, someone should ask him whether the landmark legislation properly applies to the rest of the country.
Sarah Palin accused reporters of practicing "gotcha" journalism in seeking to elicit Paul's views. As we know from the 2008 campaign, Palin's definition of a "gotcha" interview is one in which actual questions are asked. But think about it: Did anyone imagine that the Republican Party could field a candidate who makes Sarah Barracuda sound like the voice of reason?
Republican National Committee Chairman Michael Steele wouldn't have been eligible to move to my neighborhood, either, if Paul's view had prevailed. On Sunday, Steele ventured that Paul's philosophy is "misplaced in these times" -- but also said he "can't condemn" it.
That's pathetic, Chairman Mike. Rand Paul can't have it both ways. Neither can the GOP, and neither can you.
The writer will be online to chat with readers at 1 p.m. Eastern time Tuesday. Submit your questions and comments before or during the discussion.
GOP's Tea Party invite might still be in the mail
By Eugene Robinson
Friday, May 21, 2010; A19 
"I have a message, a message from the Tea Party, a message that is loud and clear and does not mince words," Rand Paul thundered at his victory party Tuesday night. "We've come to take our government back."
Democrats had reason to smile. Republicans might have shuddered.
Paul, an ophthalmologist and political novice, crushed establishment candidate Trey Grayson in winning the GOP nomination for Kentucky's contested U.S. Senate seat. Paul's victory was one of two significant results from Tuesday's overhyped contests. Both cast serious doubt on the conventional wisdom in Washington, which holds that the Republicans are ascendant and the Democrats are toast.
The other race that meant something was in the western Pennsylvania district long represented by the late Jack Murtha, who was a pro-gun, anti-abortion Democrat. Republican strategists used the campaign as a laboratory to test the themes and techniques they intend to roll out in the fall -- "nationalize" the election, run against health-care reform, invoke the names Obama and Pelosi to frighten voters out of their wits.
The result? Democrat Mark Critz won handily over Republican Tim Burns -- in a district that voted for John McCain in 2008. "We have a lot of work to do," acknowledged House Minority Whip Eric Cantor.
The other contests Tuesday really didn't mean that much, except to the politicians involved. Rep. Joe Sestak's decisive victory over Sen. Arlen Specter in the Pennsylvania Democratic Senate primary was the marquee event in terms of media coverage. But that was mainly because Specter is such a familiar and prominent presence in Washington, having occupied his Senate seat for 30 long years. There was just one problem: For all but one of those years, he was a Republican.
Voters didn't buy the switcheroo, which seemed more the product of calculation than principle -- a cynical maneuver to maximize Specter's chances of holding on to his job. In a state where party identification still means something, Democrats voted for the card-carrying Democrat.
In Arkansas, Sen. Blanche Lincoln's travails are only slightly more telling. She failed to win a majority in the Democratic primary and has to face a runoff against Lt. Gov. Bill Halter. It's true that Halter attacked Lincoln from the left, and it's also true that voters may have wanted to punish her for the way she stalled and equivocated on health-care reform. But the final verdict on Lincoln won't be in for several weeks, so it's too early to draw conclusions.
Far more interesting is the Paul victory. Unlike his father, Rep. Ron Paul (R-Tex.), Rand Paul is not a cult figure for libertarians and Tea Party activists -- not yet. Like his father, he is a Republican who has little regard for the party line and believes in a philosophy that might best be described as radical individual freedom -- privatize as many functions as possible and reduce government to its barest bones. If he wins the general election, Paul would probably vote sometimes with the Republicans, sometimes with the Democrats and sometimes with the Whigs.
Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, perhaps the most powerful Republican in Washington and certainly the party's kingpin in Kentucky, put his considerable clout behind Grayson. But Paul's candidacy became a cause celebre for the national Tea Party movement, and he whipped Grayson in Tuesday's primary by 24 points.
The stunning result should telegraph two warnings to Republicans. The first is a reminder that while voters' ardor toward the Democratic Party might have cooled, this has not led to a passionate embrace of the GOP. There's a splash-back effect from unceasing attacks against the evil empire known as Washington: Voters notice that Republicans live there, too.
The second warning is that the Tea Party movement does not intend to become a wholly owned subsidiary of the Republican Party. Strategists who hoped to use the movement's energy and passion as weapons against the Democrats in the fall should realize that many Tea Party types see the GOP as fundamentally no different.
What does any of this mean for November? The Democrats should still expect to lose seats in both houses. But this week, the GOP lost a special House election that it should have won -- if conditions for the party are really as favorable as the leadership says, that is. And the Tea Party movement, after thwarting the Democrats' best-laid plans in Massachusetts, did the same for Republicans in Kentucky.
The GOP shouldn't measure the drapes in the Capitol just yet.
eugenerobinson@washpost.com
In Arizona, just say no to Latino heritage
By Eugene Robinson
Friday, May 14, 2010; A17 
At least we don't have to pretend anymore. Arizona's passing of that mean-spirited immigration law wasn't about high-minded principle or the need to maintain public order. Apparently, it was all about putting Latinos in their place.
It's hard to reach any other conclusion given the state's latest swipe at Latinos. On Tuesday, Gov. Jan Brewer signed a measure making it illegal for any course in the public schools to "advocate ethnic solidarity." Arizona's top education official, Tom Horne, fought for the new law as a weapon against a program in Tucson that teaches Mexican American students about their history and culture.
Horne claims the Tucson classes teach "ethnic chauvinism." He has complained that young Mexican Americans are falsely being led to believe that they belong to an oppressed minority. The way to dispel that notion, it seems, is to pass oppressive new legislation aimed squarely at Mexican Americans. That'll teach the kids a lesson, all right: We have power. You don't.
Arizona is already facing criticism and boycotts over its "breathing while Latino" law, which in essence requires police to identify and jail undocumented immigrants. Now the state adds insult to that injury.
The education bill begins with a bizarre piece of nonsense, making it illegal for public or charter schools to offer courses that "promote the overthrow of the United States government." Then it shifts from weird to offensive, prohibiting classes that "promote resentment toward a race or class of people," that "are designed primarily for pupils of a particular ethnic group," and that "advocate ethnic solidarity instead of the treatment of pupils as individuals." When you try to parse those words, the effect is chilling.
Is it permissible, under the new law, to teach basic history? More than half the students in the Tucson Unified School District are Latino, the great majority of them Mexican American. The land that is now Arizona once belonged to Mexico. Might teaching that fact "promote resentment" among students of Mexican descent? What about a class that taught students how activists fought to end discrimination against Latinos in Arizona and other Western states? Would that illegally encourage students to resent the way their parents and grandparents were treated?
The legislation has an answer: Mexican American students, it seems, should not be taught to be proud of their heritage.
This angry anti-Latino spasm in Arizona is only partly about illegal immigration, which has fallen substantially in the past few years. It's really about fear and denial.
About 30 percent of the state's population is Latino, and that number continues to rise. This demographic shift has induced culture shock among some Arizonans who see the old Anglo power structure losing control. It is evidently threatening, to some people, that Mexican Americans would see themselves as a group with common interests and grievances -- and even more threatening that they might see themselves as distant heirs to the men and women who lived in Arizona long before the first Anglos arrived.
To counter the threat, solidarity among Mexican Americans has to be delegitimized. The group itself has to be atomized -- has to be taught to see itself as a population of unaffiliated individuals. The social, cultural and historical ties that have united people across the border since long before there was a border must be denied.
Every minority group's struggle for acceptance is distinctive, but I can't avoid hearing echoes of the Jim Crow era in the South. Whites went to great lengths to try to keep "agitators" from awakening African Americans' sense of pride and injustice. They failed, just as the new Arizona law will fail.
It's important to distinguish between Arizona officials' legitimate concerns and their illegitimate ones. The state does have a real problem with illegal immigration, and the federal government has ignored its responsibility to enact comprehensive reform that would make the border more secure. But Arizona is lashing out with measures that will not just punish the undocumented but also negatively affect Mexican American citizens whose local roots are generations deep.
The new education law is gratuitous and absurd. Arizona can't be picked up and moved to the Midwest; it's next to Mexico. There have always been families and traditions that straddle the two societies, and there always will be. Mexican Americans are inevitably going to feel proud of who they are and where they came from -- even if acknowledging and encouraging such pride in the classroom are against the law.
You know kids. They'll just learn it in the street.
eugenerobinson@washpost.com
Remarks During Visit to the Boeing Maintenance Facility at the Shanghai Airport





Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Boeing Maintenance Facility, Pudong International Airport
Shanghai, China
May 22, 2010



SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, thank you very much.
(Applause.)
SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you Brenda, for that kind introduction and for everything you have done to support American businesses here in Shanghai and to help build the USA Pavilion at the Expo.
I want to thank Bernard Hensey and Shep Hill from Boeing for welcoming us here, and I want to thank China Eastern Airlines for providing a perfect backdrop to the event, that wonderful plane, a Boeing 737 in Shanghai Expo regalia, it is a great example of American and Chinese companies working together in the spirit of the Expo.
I know that representatives from many of the American companies that helped sponsor the USA Pavilion are with us today. And I am very appreciative of your support and commitment. I know we have some distinguished representatives of both the Chinese Government, the airport authority, and the airlines, and I thank each of you for being here, as well.
Greater economic engagement here and across Asia by U.S. companies – and especially rising exports – help create jobs for American workers, and also for workers in China and throughout Asia. These jobs also contribute to higher standards of living for Asian consumers, and a more balanced global economy, which is good for everyone. That’s one reason that President Obama launched the National Export Initiative to support the goal of doubling U.S. exports over the next five years and support two million American jobs.
That is why I am pleased to have with us today our ambassador, Ambassador Huntsman, our consul general, Beatrice Camp, the president of the Export-Import Bank of the United States, Fred Hochberg, the Under Secretary of State for Economic Business and Agricultural Affairs, Bob Hormats, and other American officials who will be joining myself and Secretary Geithner in Beijing, starting this evening, for the second strategic and economic dialogue.
For trade to work in any economy, and for it to produce the benefits we know that it can, there must be a level playing field where domestic and international companies can compete freely and openly. For example, transparency in rule making and standard setting, non-discrimination, fair access to sales to private sector and government purchasers alike, the strong enforcement of intellectual property rights, these are all vitally important in the 21st century global economy. That’s what drives innovation, benefits consumers, and ultimately stimulates broad-based and sustainable growth. American companies want to compete in China. They want to sell goods made by American workers to Chinese consumers with rising incomes and increasing demand. We are seeking a win-win situation for our two countries.
That's why, in the coming days, officials at the highest levels of our two governments will be discussing issues of economic balance and competition. Now, the good news is that we have seen progress. U.S. merchandise exports to China have more than tripled since China joined the World Trade Organization in 2001. And in the first quarter of this year, merchandise exports were up 46 percent over the first quarter of last year. That’s a trend that we want to work together to see continue.
Aerospace is the United States’ leading export industry. And every $1 billion in aviation sales translates into 11,000 American jobs. Many of these are high-paying, skilled positions that will help our economy to return to sustainable growth.
Boeing is a company with deep roots in China. Its very first engineer, hired in 1916, was Chinese. And the company established a presence here in the 1930s. Today, more than half of the commercial jetliners operating in China are made by Boeing, and Boeing has orders for 450 airplanes destined for China. The growth of air travel in China will create new jobs here and abroad, which is why President Hu Jintao has rightly called Boeing's role in China a “win-win” for both countries.
Now, Boeing is an example of how exports from a large American corporation can benefit both of our countries. There are also hundreds of small and medium-sized American firms in other industries that also illustrate this point. Echelon Corporation is based in San Jose, California, and has about 350 employees. I often speak about the importance of smart power to our diplomacy. Well, Echelon specializes in a different kind of smart power; it is a world leader in developing networking devices and control systems that support smart electrical grids and other ways of improving efficiency. The technologies that Echelon is exporting to China help reduce water usage and greenhouse gas emissions, which is also good news for both China and the United States.
Chindex, a publically-traded American company, focuses exclusively on China’s healthcare markets. They operate numerous hospitals in and around Beijing, Shanghai, and they're working to open another clinic with the goal of providing access to high-quality healthcare in Pudong. Good healthcare for China, good jobs in America, both our countries and our people are better off.
Now, every one of you in this audience could probably tell a similar story. We have so much cooperation between American and Chinese businesses. We have cooperation that includes our soybean, cotton, and corn farmers, our universities that educate Chinese students and, increasingly, American students who come here.
So, we believe that cooperation is key to the future for the United States and China. And I want to thank all of you for helping to make these partnerships possible, and ask you to work with us to continue working toward a better future for the people of the United States and China. Thank you all very much.


 
Strategic and Economic Dialogue Opening Session





Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
President Hu Jintao; Vice-Premier Wang Qishan; Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner; State Councilor Dai
Great Hall of the People
Beijing, China
May 23, 2010



VICE-PREMIER WANG: (Via translator) Secretary Clinton, Secretary Geithner, dear colleagues, today marks the opening of the second round of the China-U.S. strategic and economic dialogues. As the special representatives of President Hu Jintao, State Councilor Dai Bingguo and I wish to extend a warm welcome to President Obama's special representatives, Secretary Clinton and Secretary Geithner, and to all members of the U.S. delegation.
(Applause.)
VICE-PREMIER WANG: (Via translator) Both our presidents attach great importance to this round of the S&ED. President Hu Jintao will join us and deliver an important address. We will also hear an important message from President Obama.
To build a positive, cooperative, and comprehensive China-U.S. relationship for the 21st century it is important agreement is reached between our two presidents that represents the common desire by our two peoples and constitutes the core objectives of the S&ED.
Based on this agreement, the first round of the S&ED was successfully held in Washington, D.C. last year. It has played a positive role in enhancing our cooperation in various fields, facilitating our joint response to the international financial crisis, and promoting world economic recovery -- the global governance structure.
The current round of the S&ED will cover a broad range of issues, giving full expression to the overarching strategic and long-term nature of our dialogue. Under the theme of ensuring the continuation of a mutually beneficial economic partnership, our two sides will have in-depth discussions in economic dialogue on a number of major issues, including macro economic policies, trade and investment, financial market stability, and reformed international financial architecture.
This will enable us to further our cooperation to solidify the positive trend of our two economies, and promote strong, sustainable, and balanced growth of the global economy. China-U.S. economic ties are a major cornerstone of our overall relationship. As China presses ahead with reform and opening up, China-U.S. economic trade and financial cooperation has enjoyed a dynamic growth. With increasingly close links, our two economies have become inseparable. This has been particularly true since the outbreak of the international financial crisis, when our two countries have been acting together to (inaudible) over the difficulties. What has happened shows that a high economic complementarily can only make China and the United States partners for a win-win cooperation, not rivals in a zero-sum game. So long as the two sides engage in candid communications, (inaudible) common ground, while resolving differences, we will prevail over any difficulty that may lie ahead.
The world economy is now at a critical juncture for further recovery, and the situation remains highly complex. Both China and the United States are faced with many challenges and deep-seated problems. I am confident that, through the common ground of the S&ED, we will expand common ground, narrow differences, and work to push forward the sound and steady growth of China-U.S. relations.
I wish the second round of the S&ED a great success. Thank you.
(Applause.)
SECRETARY CLINTON: Good morning. I want to thank State Councilor Dai and Vice-Premier Wang for their very warm hospitality. It is a pleasure for our entire delegation to be here in Beijing. And it is an honor to join my colleague, Secretary Geithner, and the many officials from across our government in representing the United States at this second round of the strategic and economic dialogue.
I first visited China in 1995, and I have been privileged to return since then. Every trip to China offers fresh insights and images of the dynamism of this country and its people, the pace of change, and the possibilities for the future. Back in 1995, trade between our two nations was measured in the tens of billions of dollars. Today it is counted in the hundreds of billions. Few people back then had cell phones, and almost no one had access to the Internet. Today China has the world's largest mobile phone network, and more Internet users than any other country on earth.
In 1995, both our countries signed on to the Beijing platform for action to advance equality and opportunity for women. And while there is still much to do in both of our countries, I know that Chinese women have made real progress in education, health care, and employment. Hundreds of millions of men, women, and children have been lifted out of poverty. And China has flourished in so many ways. Freer trade and open markets have created jobs in both our countries, and given Chinese consumers access to new goods and to higher standards of living.
The United States welcomes China's progress and its accomplishments. And by establishing patterns of cooperation, rather than competition between our two countries, we see the opportunity, as we have just heard from Vice-Premier Wang, for win-win solutions, rather than zero-sum rivalries, for we know that few global problems can be solved by the United States or China acting alone. And few can be solved without the United States and China working together.
With this in mind, I would like to read a few lines of a letter from President Obama that I will be personally handing to President Hu Jintao. President Obama wrote: "Our relationship with China is guided by the recognition that we live in an inter-connected world. One country's success need not come at the expense of another. Our progress can be shared. Indeed, the United States welcomes China as a strong, prosperous, and successful member of the community of nations."
Over the past 16 months, we have worked together to lay the foundation for that positive, cooperative, and comprehensive relationship that President Obama and President Hu have committed our nations to pursuing. We launched the strategic and economic dialogue last year in Washington, as the premier convening mechanism in our relationship. And this year we have assembled an even broader and deeper team, here in China, to address our growing agenda. We have built avenues of cooperation and identified areas of mutual interest.
Our job, moving forward, is to translate that common interest into common action and, in turn, to translate that action into results that improve the lives of our people, and contribute to global progress. Over the long term, these results are how our relationship will be measured.
We are conscious that meaningful progress against great global challenges is the work of years, not days. We know that this gathering, in and of itself, is a foundation for ongoing cooperation that has to take place every day at every level of our government. And so, we will blend urgency and persistence in pursuit of shared goals.
We have already begun to see progress on some of the key areas of common concern that we laid out in our first dialogue last year. But there is much work to be done.
First, on international security challenges, the United States and China have consulted closely on the challenge posed by Iran's nuclear program. The prospect of a nuclear-armed Iran concerns us all. And to address that threat, together we have pursued a dual-track approach of engagement and pressure, aimed at encouraging Iran's leaders to change course. The draft resolution agreed to by all of our P-5+1 partners and circulated at the Security Council sends a clear message to the Iranian leadership: Live up to your obligation, or face growing isolation and consequences. As we continue to cooperate in New York, the burden is on Iran to demonstrate through its actions that it will uphold its responsibility.
North Korea is also a matter of urgent concern. Last year we worked together to pass and enforce a strong UN Security Council resolution in the wake of North Korea's nuclear test. And today we face another serious challenge, provoked by the sinking of the South Korean ship. So we must work together, again, to address this challenge and advance our shared objectives for peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. We asked North Korea to stop its provocative behavior, halt its policy of threats and belligerence towards its neighbors, and take irreversible steps to fulfill its denuclearization commitments, and comply with international law.
Now, beyond these two pressing challenges there are other shared security concerns that I look forward to discussing, including the fight against violent extremism in Afghanistan and Pakistan, counter-piracy efforts, and deeper military-to-military cooperation.
Second, on climate and energy, we have built on the memorandum of understanding signed at the last round of the dialogues, collaborating on new, clean energy research, including a center. We have committed ourselves to an electrical vehicle initiative, and a renewable energy partnership, and more. At Copenhagen, for the first time, all major economies, including both the United States and China, made national commitments to curb carbon emissions and transparently report on their mitigation efforts. Now we must work to implement the Copenhagen accord with balanced commitments that are reflected in the ongoing negotiation.
And on behalf of Secretary Steven Chu, I extend his regrets. He was unable to be with us, because he had to stay and work very urgently on the oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico.
Third, on education, health, and development, tomorrow I will meet with State Councilor Liu to launch a new dialogue on educational and cultural exchanges that will deepen understanding and cooperation between our people. I am very pleased that Secretary of Health and Human Services Kathleen Sebelius has joined us this year to expand cooperation on infectious diseases and other international health challenges. Our ambassador for global women's issues, Melanne Verveer, is also here because we recognize that the roles and rights of women are central to many of the issues we face, including devising a global strategy for development that is both sustainable and effective.
The Obama Administration has worked to advance a long-term investment-driven approach to development. And Administrator Raj Shah is leading our efforts. We have elevated development as a core pillar of our foreign policy, and we seek to coordinate with China and other donors to meet country-led needs and to comply with internationally-agreed standards.
Finally, we have worked together and seen progress on promoting global economic recovery and growth. Secretary Geithner, Secretary Locke, Ambassador Kirk, Chairman Bernanke, and the rest of our economic team will be talking in greater depth about how we can develop a more balanced global economy that will produce prosperity that reaches further and deeper for both the Chinese and American people.
Now, our discussions in these few days are unlikely to solve the shared challenges we face. But they can and should provide a framework for delivering real results to our people. We will not agree on every issue. But we will discuss them openly, as between friends and partners. And that includes America's commitment to universal human rights and dignity, and so much else that is on both Chinese and American minds.
There is a Chinese proverb that speaks of treading different paths that lead to the same destination. Our two nations have unique histories. China is home to an ancient civilization, as I saw in the Chinese Pavilion when I visited, with the scroll that has been made to come alive, showing life in this city 1,000 years ago. America is a young nation. But we know that our future, both our challenges and our opportunities, will be shared. We have traveled different paths, but that shared future is our common destination and responsibility. And, ultimately, that is what this dialogue is about.
So, again, let me thank State Councilor Dai and Vice-Premier Wang, and I look forward to our discussions in an open and candid exchange of views. Thank you very much.
(Applause.)
STATE COUNCILOR DAI: (Via translator) Secretary Clinton, Secretary Geithner, Vice-Premier Wang Qishan, ladies and gentlemen, dear friends, good morning. In this blooming and enchanting month of May, I feel truly pleased to get together with Vice-Premier Wang Qishan, Secretary Clinton, and Secretary Geithner in Beijing to co-chair the second round of the China-U.S. strategic and economic dialogues. And I look forward to joining you for the address of President Hu Jintao, who will soon be with us in the opening session, and for the message from President Obama.
So many Chinese and American friends that care for and are devoted to the world of China-U.S. relations have gathered today for candid and in-depth dialogues on strategic, long-term, and over-arching issues in China-U.S. relations. I believe this is, in itself, a pioneering undertaking in state-to-state relations.
I warmly welcome our American friends, especially those who have never been to China before. I hope you will feel at home, and even better than your life at home.
I recall that last year, when the world was haunted by the international financial crisis, President Hu Jintao and President Obama (inaudible) of the prospects of the 21st century, agreed to build a positive, cooperative, and a comprehensive China-U.S. relationship for the 21st century, and the partnership to cope with common challenges. They decided to take a major strategic step by setting up the mechanisms of the China-U.S. strategic and economic dialogues. In so doing, they sent a (inaudible) signal to the world that China and the United States would join hands to (inaudible) difficulties and work together for better future of China-U.S. relations and the world at large.
One year later, as we gather again and look at the world around us, I believe we all view more keenly that we are now at a crucial historical juncture in the development of mankind and China-U.S. relations. Our two countries not only need to answer the question of whether we can build a new type of relationship between major countries in the 21st century, but also face a strategic choice as to what kind of a century China and the United States, together with other countries, will leave to our peoples, to our children, and our children's children.
The last century the people of our generation have come through has witnessed a lot of progress made by mankind. It was still a century in which the zero-sum rule prevailed, and lines were drawn along ideologies. It was a century far from being tranquil. It was characterized by incessant confrontation between (inaudible) and cold wars. It was accentuated by disasters and diversities.
But what has happened has lingered on to the 21st century. Through problems old and new are intertwined, (inaudible) changes have taken place in our world. What sets this century apart from the previous one is that countries are becoming increasingly inter-dependent and their interests are, more than ever, inter-connected. Like it or not, we residents of earth have, in fact, become inseparable from one another. Be it in good times or bad times, we are bound together by common interests and have a common destiny to share.
We are faced in such a world with a rising multitude of global issues, with common challenges that no individual country or handful of countries can tackle alone. And with significant and thorny issues concerning the sustainable development of mankind, regardless of a difference in social systems and cultural traditions and (inaudible), no country -- no major country in particular should (inaudible) things that have become outdated.
We have to let suspicion, confrontation, and war give way to communication, cooperation, and the pursuit of peace. We have to learn to respect each other, conduct cooperation under equal footing, make concerted efforts (inaudible) harmonious coexistence. This is our only choice. We are convinced that, in this 21st century, neither the Chinese and American peoples, nor people of other countries, will allow history to repeat itself, or the cause of development to backpedal. No attempt to stir up confrontation (inaudible) war, be it a hot war, a cold war, or even a warm war will be popular in today's world. Nor will such an attempt lead to anywhere.
China and the United States, being the biggest developing and developed country in the world, should have its (inaudible) judgment of the development trend of our world, and go along with the tide of history. We should remove (inaudible) disruption and unswervingly follow the direction charted by our two presidents to do a positive, cooperative, and comprehensive China-U.S. partnership for the 21st century.
In this era of globalization, we should foster a new type of relations among major countries, characterized by mutual respect, harmonious coexistence, and win-win cooperation of countries with different social systems, cultural traditions, and development stages. This will contribute to the sustained and common development, and the prosperity of our two countries, and serve the interest of our two peoples and the people around the world.
We do not believe that world affairs should be determined by one or two individual countries. Yet, should China and the United States not be able to build and development such a new type of relation, the chance for peace will be seriously undermined in the 21st century. To build a new type of China-U.S. partnership will, without doubt, be a (inaudible) and a pioneering undertaking. (Inaudible) plain sailing or trouble free. But past experience has proven that this is the path that we must take, and it will lead us to success.
Looking back decades ago, who could have imagined that leaders of the elder generation in China and America could have that handshake that (inaudible) in the world? Who could have imagined that China-U.S. relations could witness such huge comprehensive and profound developments, only 31 years after the establishment of diplomatic relations? Who could have imagined that China and the United States, two major countries with different social systems, could join hands to tackle the (inaudible) their international financial crisis?
Along this line, we can well foresee that in the 21st century the statesmen and people of our two countries will have sufficient will, wisdom, and capacity to overcome all difficulties and to break new ground in establishing a new type of partnership between our two countries.
You may have watched a movie called Babel. It is an American movie. (Inaudible) and trust of utmost importance in the new century. I believe that it also applies to state-to-state relations. I believe that the strategic and economic dialogue should be an important and effective bridge in promoting communication, understanding, and trust between China and the United States, and should contribute to the beauty of a positive, cooperative, and a comprehensive China-U.S. partnership. This should be the unique function and value of our dialogue mechanism. And it is what our leaders and people expect of us.
I am ready to work with my Chinese and America colleagues to live up to that expectation, and to our common mission. Thank you.
(Applause.)
MODERATOR: (Via translator) Now let us welcome Secretary Geithner to speak.
(Applause.)
SECRETARY GEITHNER: Vice-premier Wang and Councilor Dai, I want to thank you for the respect and the courtesy you have shown us on this visit to Beijing.
Since last April, when President Hu and President Obama launched this new chapter in our relationship, we have worked very hard to build a stronger partnership. When we approach our relationship in the spirit of cooperation and mutual respect for our core interests, with determination at the highest levels to overcome differences, we have had great success, from leading the global response to the financial crisis, to forging a global accord on climate in Copenhagen, to charting a common response to the challenge to international security posed by Iran.
Our common interests lie in a stronger and more resilient world economy, where growth is more balanced, both within and among nations. As we reform the U.S. economy to promote savings and investment, China is reforming its growth model to promote domestic demand and consumption.
Our common interests lie in building a more stable global financial system, one less prone to crisis. The United States and China are working to build financial systems that channel resources more efficiently to support investment and innovation that is critical to future economic growth. And the United States Senate last week passed sweeping reforms of the financial system of the United States to provide better protection for consumers and investors, and better prevention against future crises.
Our common interests lie in supporting a more open global trading system, with a fair balance of benefits and responsibilities in which countries are able to compete on a level playing field. Our two countries have benefited greatly from open trade and investment, and we welcome a more open China today. Innovation holds the key to a more prosperous future. But innovation flourishes best when markets are open, competition is fair, and strong protections exist for ideas and for inventions.
Our common interests lie in building a stronger global framework for cooperation in the group of 20 and in the international financial institutions. We will continue to work closely together to equip these institutions with the right tools and the right governance structure to confront global challenges like climate change, development, and future financial risks.
The world economy is now coming out of crisis. Economic growth in the U.S. and China is broader and stronger than many had anticipated even a few months ago. And even with the challenges of reform and growth facing some of the nations of Europe, we are together, the United States and China, along with India, Brazil, and the emerging economies of Asia and other regions, in a much stronger position today to overcome the challenges ahead.
Now, we are two different countries with very different political systems, different traditions, different views about the role of government in society and in the economy, different views about the relationship between the individual and the government. We each have our various challenges and our many strengths, and our strengths are complementary.
We welcome this opportunity to work closely with Vice-Premier Wang and with Councilor Dai and with their colleagues, to pursue our common interests and to seek solutions to these challenges. We approach these issues in a spirit of mutual respect for the traditions, values, and interests of the United States and China. Our approach reflects the insight in the Chinese saying, (speaks Chinese). When we work together in the face of adversity, our people are better off, and the world is better off. We are stronger together. Thank you.
(Applause.)
MODERATOR: (Via translator) Ladies and gentlemen, I would like to ask you to kindly rise to welcome President Hu Jintao of the People's Republic of China.
(Applause.)
PRESIDENT HU: (Via translator) Secretary Clinton, Secretary Geithner, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, dear friends, the second round of the China-U.S. strategic and economic dialogues opens in Beijing today. Let me, first of all, extend a warm welcome to our American friends coming from afar.
The second round of the S&ED takes place at an important moment, when new developments are unfolding in the international, political, and economic landscape, and when China and the United States face new opportunities to further the bilateral relationship. It is of great significance for both of our two countries to achieve positive outcomes at this round of dialogues. I hope that, through a candid and in-depth discussion on over-arching strategic and long-term issues of mutual interest, the two sides will (inaudible) and further push forward China-U.S. cooperation.
Ladies and gentlemen, over one year ago, President Obama and I met the first time in London. We agreed to work together to build a positive, cooperative, and comprehensive China-U.S. relationship for the 21st century, setting up the goal for the development of China-U.S. relations in the new year. Since then, President Obama and I have met on many occasions. During President Obama's successful visit to China last November in particular, the two sides issued a China-U.S. joint statement offering a policy framework for the development of our bilateral ties.
In a spirit of solidarity, China and the United States have worked together to counter the extremely severe international financial crisis. We have coordinated macro economic policies, and facilitated efforts to bring about positive outcomes at the G20 financial summit, making important contributions to world economic recovery.
We have furthered our economic and trade ties, and stepped up mutually-beneficial cooperation in new and clean energy, energy conservation, emissions reduction, and energy efficiency enhancement to solidify the foundation of our exchanges.
China and the United States have maintained communication and coordination on major regional and international issues. We have worked with other parties to properly address regional hot spot issues. The two countries have also worked with other parties to manage the growing number of global issues, and played a positive role in putting up an international response to such challenges as climate change, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and natural disasters.
Admittedly, China and the United States differ in national condition, and it is only natural that the two sides may disagree on some issues. What is important is to respect and accommodate each others' core interests and major concerns, appropriately handle the sensitive issues, and strengthen the foundation of mutual trust.
Ladies and gentlemen, the world is in the midst of major developments, major changes, and major adjustments. The trend toward (inaudible) and economic globalization is gathering momentum. The impact of the international financial crisis continues to be felt. Global issues are becoming more pronounced, and regional and international hot spot issues keep cropping up.
To further advance mankind's noble cause of peace and development requires greater cooperation among people of all countries. As permanent members of the UN Security Council, and the largest developing country and the largest developed country, China and the United States face common tasks and shoulder important responsibilities, ranging from promoting full recovery and sustainable growth of the world economy, to the managing of regional hot spots, meeting global challenges, and safeguarding world peace and security.
China attaches great importance to its relations with the United States. To develop long-term, sound, and steady China-U.S. relationship is a shared desire of our two peoples (inaudible) and contribute to peace, stability, and prosperity in the Asia Pacific Region and beyond.
We need to stick to the right direction of China-U.S. relations. No matter how the international situation may evolve, and what difficulties and interferences we may encounter, we should always follow the strategic and long-term perspective, and speak to and safeguard the goal of working together to build a positive, cooperative, and comprehensive China-U.S. relationship for the 21st century. We should foster strategic mutual trust, strengthen strategic cooperation, appropriately handle differences, and step up communication, coordination, and cooperation on bilateral, regional, and global issues.
We should respect each other's core interests and major concerns. Sovereignty, independence (inaudible) integrity are a country's most basic rights, recognized by the norms governing international relations. To the Chinese people, nothing is more important than safeguarding national sovereignty and territorial integrity. I trust that it's not difficult for the American people, who went through the American Civil War in their history to understand how important and valuable unity is to a nation.
We should respect the right of each and every country to independently choose its development path. We should recognize differences in countries' cultural traditions, social systems, values, and development concepts, and encourage different civilizations and development models to learn from and reinforce each other, so as to achieve common development. It is not advisable to use one model to measure the diverse and colorful world we live in.
We should maintain close interaction at the top and other levels. Full communication is an important basis for enhanced cooperation. Not even the most sophisticated telecommunication technology can replace face-to-face exchanges. In my meeting with President Obama in Washington on 12 May this year, we both agreed to stay in close touch through meetings, phone calls, and correspondence. We should also step up strategic dialogues and consultations to deepen understanding, expand common ground, and promote cooperation.
We should develop a pattern of mutually beneficial and win-win cooperation. China and the United States should step up macro economic policy coordination, and promote sustained world economic recovery. The two sides should increase exchanges in cooperation in such areas as economy and trade, energy, the environment, counterterrorism, non-proliferation, law enforcement, science and technology, education, agriculture, health, and quality inspections, and actively develop cooperation in such new areas as civil aviation, high-speed railway, infrastructure construction, and space exploration. In this way, we will lend fresh impetus to the growth of China-U.S. relations, and enable our peoples to reap tangible benefits of China-U.S. cooperation.
We should strengthen coordination on regional hot spots and global issues. China and the United States should step up communication and coordination on regional hot spot issues through bilateral channels and multilateral mechanisms. The two sides should increase (inaudible) and cooperation on such global issues as climate change, nuclear security, energy security, food security, disaster reduction, and (inaudible) fighting trans-national crimes, and prevention and control of serious communicable diseases. China and the United States should work with the rest of the international community to make the international system more just and equitable.
We should deepen mutual understanding and friendship between our peoples. This provides an enduring driving force and broad foundation for the growth of state-to-state relations. China and the United States will establish a mechanism of people-to-people exchange. I believe this mechanism will contribute to the cultural, scientific, technological, and educational exchanges and cooperation between our two countries. The two sides should support youth exchanges so that the cause of China-U.S. relations will be carried forward by the younger generation. We should also scale up exchanges and cooperation between the business, academic, and media communities, and between local authorities and institutions to build a broad bridge of friendship between our two people.
Ladies and gentlemen, since the founding of the People's Republic of China over 60 years ago, and particularly (inaudible) opening up, earth-shaking changes have taken place in China. Yet we are keenly aware that China remains the world's largest developing country. We still have a very long way to go before we can fully build a moderately prosperous society of a higher level that will benefit over one billion people, and achieve basic modernization to bring common prosperity to all our people.
We will continue to pursue reform and opening up so that our economy will register greater growth, our democracy will be further enhanced, our science and education will make bigger strides, our culture will get more prosperous, our society will become more harmonious, and our peoples' lives will be better off. China will continue to pursue a win-win strategy of opening up. We will expand market access in keeping with established international, economic, and trading laws, support the improvement of the international trading and financial system, and advance trade investment, liberalization, and facilitation.
China will accelerate the transformation of its economic development pattern. We will make great effort to expand domestic demand and increase household consumption, vigorously promote sound and balanced growth of external trade, and reject protectionism in all manifestations. China will continue to steadily advance the reform of the formation mechanism of the RMB exchange rate under the principle of independent decision-making, controllability and gradual progress.
China will remain committed to the path of peaceful development and pursue friendly cooperation with all countries on the basis of the five principles of peaceful coexistence. We will not interfere in other countries' internal affairs, or impose our own will on others. We will work with all other countries to build a harmonious world of enduring peace and common prosperity.
Ladies and gentlemen, to build a positive, cooperative, and comprehensive China-U.S. relationship for the 21st century is in the fundamental interest of our two countries and two peoples. It also meets the need to promote world peace and development. Let us work together to open up even broader prospects for China-U.S. relations.
(Applause.)


Briefing on the Republic of Korea




Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Briefing for the traveling press corps
Beijing, China
May 24, 2010


SECRETARY CLINTON: I want to commend President Lee for his strong and dignified speech today. It was a testament to his leadership, and to the character and resolve of the South Korean people.
We have consulted closely with the Republic of Korea, and we will continue to do so as we move forward. I will be traveling to Seoul on Wednesday for further discussions. I have also had in-depth conversations with the Japanese leadership, and I am in the midst of intensive consultations with the Chinese Government on this issue. My colleagues in the United States Government, including Secretary Gates and others, are also actively engaging countries in the region.
The United States fully supports President Lee's responsible handling of the Cheonan incident, and the objective investigation that followed, which we and other international observers joined. The measures that President Lee announced in his speech are both prudent and entirely appropriate. 
The Republic of Korea can continue to count on the full support of the United States, as President Obama made clear when he spoke to President Lee last week. 
First, we endorse President Lee's call on North Korea to come forward with the facts regarding this act of aggression and, above all, stop its belligerence and threatening behavior.
Second, our support for South Korea's defense is unequivocal, and President Obama has directed his military commanders to coordinate closely with their Korean counterparts to ensure readiness and to deter future aggression. As part of our ongoing dialogue, we will explore further enhancements to our joint posture on the Peninsula.
Third, we support President Lee's call to bring this issue to the United Nations Security Council. I will be working with Ambassador Rice and our Korean counterparts, as well as Japan, China, and other UN Security Council member states to reach agreement on a way forward in the Council.
Fourth, President Obama has directed U.S. Government agencies to review their existing authorities and policies related to North Korea, to ensure that we have adequate measures in place, and to identify areas where adjustments would be appropriate.
As I have said, the path that will lead North Korea to security and prosperity is to stop its provocative behavior, halt its policy of threats and belligerence toward its neighbors, and take irreversible steps to fulfill its denuclearization commitments, and comply with international law.
Let me also briefly address another matter that several of you have inquired about. I want to commend Prime Minister Hatoyama for making the difficult, but nevertheless correct, decision to relocate the Futenma facility inside Okinawa. We are working with the Japanese Government to ensure that our agreement adopts Japanese proposals that will lighten the impact on the people of Okinawa. We are confident that the relocation plan that Japan and the United States are working to conclude will help establish the basis for future alliance cooperation.
As a former politician, I know how hard Prime Minister Hatoyama's decision was, and I thank him for his courage and determination to fulfill his commitments. This is truly the foundation for our future work as allies in the Asia Pacific region. 
I will be glad to take your questions.
QUESTION: Secretary Clinton, on North and South Korea, can you specify precisely what kinds of things the U.S. Government will look at as it studies policies and authority regarding North Korea? Are you, for example, specifically looking at the possibility of putting them back on the state-sponsor of terrorism list?
Regarding the military coordination that the President has ordered, will that include such things as joint anti-submarine warfare measures to try to prevent precisely this kind of incident from happening again?
And you've said that you will -- that you fully support South Korea taking this matter to the UN Security Council. Do you think that North Korea should actually face additional sanctions, sanctions that go beyond 1874, in the Council?
SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, Arshad, we are obviously continuing to review and consult closely on these matters, some of which are quite sensitive. And I look forward to discussing them in depth when I am in Seoul on Wednesday. We will provide additional details at the appropriate time.
With respect to your specific question about the state-sponsor of terrorism list, the United States will apply the law as the facts warrant. The legislation, as you know, sets out specific criteria for the Secretary of State to base a determination. And the Department of State continually reviews North Korea's actions to determine if the evidence supports its designation as a state sponsor of terrorism. If the evidence warrants, the Department of State will take action.
Currently, several North Korean entities, financial institutions and individuals, are subject to sanctions due to their involvement in or their support of North Korea's nuclear weapons and ballistic missile program.
You may also know that the White House issued a statement a few hours ago. We are closely coordinating what we're doing in Washington and here in the region, and I think the requests that President Lee made in his speech are fully appropriate, and are being analyzed. So there will be more to report in the days ahead.
QUESTION: Hello.
SECRETARY CLINTON: Hello.
QUESTION: I was wondering how much you can tell us what the Chinese are telling you, as far as their response to the Cheonan issue. There has been a lot of anger in South Korea that the Chinese haven't been more proactive in condemning the North, and I would like -- maybe you could say what the Chinese are telling you.
And also, how serious is this situation? I mean, are you concerned this could escalate into a war? Thank you.
SECRETARY CLINTON: Okay. As I said, we are in the midst of very intensive consultations with the Chinese Government on this issue. It would, again, be premature for me to discuss details of those conversations. But I can say that the Chinese recognize the gravity of the situation we face. The Chinese understand the reaction by the South Koreans, and they also understand our unique responsibility for the peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula.
As I said in my statement earlier today, we have cooperated very well with China to respond to North Korea's provocative actions last year, and we are discussing how we will be able to cooperate equally effectively in this context, as well. It is part of the -- obviously, a category of its own, when it comes to the strategic and economic dialogue. 
But I have to say that we are off to a very good start, with respect to the dialogues. We spent in a very small group at dinner last night about two-and-a-half hours discussing important matters. I have just completed another small group discussion with about -- of about two-and-a-half hours. So, the Chinese are taking this very seriously, and recognize the importance of maintaining peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. And we will continue to work with them on the way forward.
We are working hard to avoid an escalation of belligerence and provocation. This is a highly precarious situation that the North Koreans have caused in the region. And it is one that every country that neighbors or is in proximity to North Korea understands must be contained. So that is what we are working to achieve. And, at the same time, to send a message to North Korea that we are not simply resuming business as usual, that we intend to work with the international community to create a climate in which both consequences are felt by North Korea, and working to change their behavior, going forward, to avoid the kind of escalation that would be very regrettable.
MODERATOR: Thank you, everybody.
SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you all.